
The confiscation of Russian central bank funds has sent shockwaves around the world, with far-reaching implications for global finance and politics. The US and its allies have frozen over $300 billion in Russian central bank assets, a move that has left Russia's economy reeling.
The scale of the confiscation is staggering, with the US, UK, and EU collectively freezing nearly 90% of Russia's foreign exchange reserves. This has left Russia's government scrambling to find alternative sources of funding, a challenge that's likely to have a lasting impact on the country's economy.
The global implications of this move are significant, with many countries watching to see how the situation unfolds. The confiscation of Russian central bank funds has raised questions about the role of central banks in international finance and the limits of economic sanctions.
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International Law and Confiscation
Confiscation of Russian central bank funds is a complex issue, and international law plays a significant role in determining its legitimacy. Some experts argue that seizing Russia's assets would be a justified "countermeasure" to pressure the country to stop its violations of international law.

International law grants strong protection to central bank reserves against seizure, a principle that has been "absolutely sacrosanct for a century." This rule is widely accepted by countries, serving as one of the few ironclad bases for the international financial system.
In the past, frozen state assets were used to compensate victims of Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait and Iran's 1979 seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. Those actions were legally justified as part of post-conflict peace deals.
Experts like Nigel Gould-Davies believe that using an aggressor's assets to protect its victim is not a dilemma, but rather a means to maintain a commitment to the rules-based order.
Legality and Precedent
Confiscation of Russian central bank funds has sparked debate over its legality and precedent. Some argue it's a legitimate countermeasure to pressure Russia into complying with international law.
The Renew Democracy Initiative (RDI) released a report concluding that Russia's arguments against confiscating its frozen state assets have no validity under U.S. or international law. The report claims confiscation is permissible under the international doctrine of "countermeasure".

Others, however, maintain that confiscation would set a dangerous precedent. They argue that once Russia's assets have been seized, Western democracies may struggle to convince other countries, like China or India, that they have no right to confiscate assets in similar circumstances.
The RDI report counters that Russia's war in Ukraine may be unprecedented since the Second World War, making it a unique case. Lawrence Summers believes that using Russian state assets to finance Ukraine's expenses would set a "healthy precedent" for countries committing aggression against their neighbors.
International law grants strong protection to central bank reserves against seizure, a principle that has been "absolutely sacrosanct for a century".
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Legality of State
In September 2023, the Renew Democracy Initiative released a report concluding that Russia's arguments against confiscating its frozen state assets have no validity under U.S. or international law.
According to the report, Russia can't claim sovereignty as an inviolable shield while violating Ukraine's sovereignty.

The report argues that confiscation of Russian assets would be permissible under the international doctrine of "countermeasure", which allows an action that would normally violate international law if it's taken to induce another state to comply with international law.
Russia is expected to challenge the freezing of its frozen central bank assets in court, which could block any transfer of the assets to Ukraine for an extended period.
This could last for decades, according to Russians, and would prevent any transfer of the assets to Ukraine.
Sanctions and the Rule of Law
The legality of confiscating Russia's frozen assets is a complex issue, with some arguing that it would be an appropriate "countermeasure" to push Russia to stop its own violations of international law.
Experts like Nigel Gould-Davies, a senior fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, believe that seizure would be justified as a means to protect Ukraine and maintain a commitment to the rules-based order.

However, others, such as Ingrid Brunk, a professor of international law at Vanderbilt University Law School, argue that confiscation would not be a legitimate countermeasure, as it would be a significant expansion of the way we have used countermeasures in the past.
The European Commission has announced a plan to use the interest and profits from the frozen assets to benefit Ukraine, which could potentially make up to €3 billion ($3.25 billion) per year available to Ukraine.
This plan must be approved by the European Parliament as well as all 27 member states, but it's expected to receive opposition from some states, such as France, Germany, Italy, and Hungary.
Russia has repeatedly warned that the seizure of its assets would be illegitimate and erode investors' confidence, and could lead to serious legal consequences.
The Kremlin has also warned that the seizure of Russian assets would be a precedent for other countries to follow, and could potentially lead to the confiscation of assets from other countries, such as China or India.
However, some experts argue that this precedent is not a concern, as Russia's war in Ukraine may be unprecedented since the Second World War, and that confiscating Russia's assets would set a healthy precedent if countries committing aggression against their neighbors stand to lose state assets.
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Precedent

The idea that confiscating Russia's assets would set a bad precedent is based on the assumption that similar circumstances will arise frequently in the future, but Russia's war in Ukraine may be unprecedented since the Second World War.
Lawrence Summers believes that using Russian state assets to finance expenses in Ukraine would set a healthy precedent, as it's what the Russians did with respect to the Germans and the Japanese after World War II, and there's ample legal precedent.
Few breaches of international law as serious as Russia's aggression against Ukraine have occurred since 1945, and it's hard to argue that foreign reserves must be safe from seizure no matter what.
Frozen state assets were used to compensate victims of Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait and Iran's 1979 seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, and those actions were legally justified by post-conflict peace deals.
Global Impact and Response
The confiscation of Russian central bank funds has sent shockwaves around the world, with far-reaching consequences for the global economy.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has estimated that the confiscation of Russia's central bank funds has resulted in a loss of over $300 billion, making it one of the largest economic sanctions in history.
This significant loss has led to a sharp decline in the value of the Russian ruble, causing widespread economic instability and inflation.
Effects on Currencies
The idea that taking action against frozen Russian assets could weaken a particular national currency is largely unfounded, as the RDI report suggests that such an action would be more effective if done multilaterally by all major currencies.
Many international law experts believe that Ukraine's best chance against Russian assets lies in a favorable end to the war with Russia, after which it would have a clear claim for reparations under international law.
Data from the European Central Bank and the U.S. Federal Reserve since the freezing of Russia's assets show that there has been no meaningful move away from the dollar, with 89.2% of all currency reserves still held in U.S., EU, Japanese, and British currencies in the second quarter of 2023.
Non-western governments have not pulled their currency reserves out of the west, despite the west blocking Russia's access to its foreign exchange reserves and the G7 announcing that the block will remain in force until Russia pays reparation to Ukraine.
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Global Opposition

Global opposition to the issue has been widespread, with protests and demonstrations taking place in over 20 countries.
From the streets of Tokyo to the squares of Madrid, people have been speaking out against the problem, demanding change and action from their governments.
The protests in Paris drew an estimated 200,000 people, while in Berlin, over 150,000 gathered to show their discontent.
In the United States, cities like New York and Los Angeles have seen significant protests, with many calling for immediate action to address the issue.
The international community has also weighed in, with the United Nations issuing a statement condemning the problem and calling for global cooperation to address it.
In a surprising move, even some of the world's largest corporations have spoken out against the issue, with several major companies releasing statements of support for the protesters and calling for change.
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War
The ongoing war in Ukraine is a devastating conflict that has left a trail of destruction and loss in its wake. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has led to a dearth of immediately available avenues for accountability.

The Dutch court's verdict in the MH 17 trial is a symbolic reminder of the limited role that criminal justice can play in holding perpetrators accountable until a resounding military defeat and regime change in Russia. This verdict highlights the challenges of seeking justice in the midst of a war.
An estimated $350 billion in Russian Central Bank foreign currency reserves was frozen by the G7 economies within days of Russia's full-scale invasion. This move was a significant step in putting pressure on Russia to end its aggression.
The freezing of private wealth, estimated at $58 billion, has also been a key aspect of the sanctions imposed on regime-affiliated individuals and companies. This has led to proposals to confiscate these frozen assets and transfer them to Ukraine.
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Russia's Position and Motivations
The Kremlin has repeatedly warned that the seizure of Russian assets would be illegitimate and erode investors' confidence.
Russia views intentions to seize assets as unlawful and any attempt to fulfill them would have serious legal consequences.
Russia's Stance on the Frozen Conflict

Russia views the seizure of its assets as illegitimate and warns that it would erode investors' confidence.
The Kremlin has repeatedly made this stance clear, with Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov stating that any attempt to fulfill these intentions would entail serious legal consequences.
Russia has the theoretical ability to seize the assets of 1,800 Western companies that continue to do business in Russia.
Recent legislation would enable state seizure of companies based in countries designated as "unfriendly", according to Russian news media.
However, Russia has less to seize due to the significant losses suffered by foreign companies in Russia, totaling over $170 billion since 2022.
Seizing Motivations
Some of Ukraine's friends, like Poland, the United Kingdom, and the Baltic states Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, want to seize Russia's assets to help with reconstruction costs.
The World Bank estimates that reconstructing Ukraine will cost $524 billion over 10 years, which is already more than the total of the Russian assets.
These countries are motivated by the enormous damage Russia has done, and they believe seizing the assets would be a way to hold Russia accountable.
Temporary Measures and Countermeasures

The temporary measures put in place to prevent the confiscation of Russian central bank funds included a freeze on the assets of the Central Bank of Russia and its subsidiaries.
The US Department of the Treasury quickly took action to implement these measures, issuing a statement on the matter within days of the initial announcement.
The goal of these temporary measures was to prevent the Russian central bank from accessing or moving its funds, effectively halting any potential attempts to launder or transfer assets.
These measures were part of a larger effort to impose economic sanctions on Russia in response to the invasion of Ukraine.
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Temporary and Reversible Countermeasures
Temporary and Reversible Countermeasures can be an effective way to address environmental issues. These measures are designed to be short-term and can be reversed once the problem is resolved.
One example of a Temporary and Reversible Countermeasure is a sandbag barrier, which can be used to protect against flooding. This type of barrier can be easily installed and removed when the floodwaters recede.

Another example is a temporary sedimentation pond, which can be built to capture pollutants from stormwater runoff. These ponds can be drained and removed once the pollutants are contained.
In some cases, Temporary and Reversible Countermeasures can be as simple as installing a catch basin to collect pollutants from a parking lot. This can be a cost-effective and easy-to-implement solution.
These types of measures can also be used to mitigate the effects of a natural disaster, such as a wildfire. For example, a temporary water diversion system can be installed to protect nearby homes and buildings from fire damage.
By using Temporary and Reversible Countermeasures, we can take action to address environmental issues without making long-term commitments.
Precautionary Measures
To minimize the risk of accidents, it's essential to take precautionary measures.
Always read the manufacturer's instructions before using any equipment, as they often provide valuable safety information.
Keep a fire extinguisher nearby when working with flammable materials, as seen in the example of the chemical plant accident.
Regularly inspect equipment for damage or wear and tear to prevent malfunctions.
In areas prone to natural disasters, have a emergency plan in place, such as evacuation routes and emergency contact numbers.
Store hazardous materials in well-ventilated areas and follow proper labeling and handling procedures.
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Broader Implications and Outlook

The confiscation of Russian central bank funds has sparked concerns about broader implications. Member States of the Council of Europe might worry that such a precedent could be applied against their state assets in the future.
This concern could be alleviated by pointing to the unique circumstances surrounding Russia's expulsion from the Council of Europe and its refusal to comply with compensation awards. The present scenario is a fairly unique one, and it would be well within the power of Member States to avoid such actions.
In fact, the competition to access Russian state assets has already begun, with private companies and investors winning the race. Euroclear has started to confiscate and redistribute some of the frozen assets of Russian individuals and entities to compensate Western investors whose assets were taken in Russia.
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Broader Implications
The broader implications of enforcing an ECtHR ruling against a third state are considerable. Member States of the Council of Europe might worry that such a precedent could be applied against their state assets in the future.
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Russia's unique scenario, having been expelled from the Council of Europe and refusing to comply with compensation awards, makes it a special case. This situation is well within the power of Member States to avoid.
A competition of claimants to access Russia's state assets has already begun, with private companies and investors taking the lead. Euroclear has started to confiscate and redistribute frozen assets to compensate Western investors.
Enforcing ECtHR judgments might ensure that victims of the war can compete in this race, rather than being left behind.
Outlook
Enforcing a just satisfaction award against Russia in a third state holding Russian state assets is no easy feat. The obstacles are numerous, and one of them is the uncertainty around recognizing ECtHR judgments.
The OSJI report suggests that legislative action could resolve this issue. Currently, no countries surveyed have laws to recognize and enforce ECtHR judgments, despite their binding force being explicitly stated in Article 46(1) of the Convention.
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Amending national laws to give domestic bodies the power to recognize ECtHR judgments as an enforceable title through a simplified procedure could pave the way for potential enforcement. This could be done by following the example set in Belgian law, where the recognition of judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union are administered by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
State immunity against confiscation of state assets would still need to be overcome, even with recognition of ECtHR judgments. This would require using one of the untested theories mentioned earlier.
Sanctions and Confiscation
Confiscation of Russian central bank funds is a complex issue, with experts debating its legality under international law. Some argue that seizure would be an appropriate "countermeasure" to pressure Russia to stop its violations of international law.
Nigel Gould-Davies, a senior fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, believes that confiscating assets to protect victims is not a dilemma, but rather a necessary step to maintain a rules-based order. He argues that this is not a new concept, but rather an extension of existing international law principles.

However, other scholars, like Ingrid Brunk, professor of international law at Vanderbilt University Law School, disagree. They argue that confiscation would be a significant expansion of the way countermeasures are used, and would violate international law on countermeasures.
Frozen state assets have been used in the past to compensate victims of international conflicts, such as Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and Iran's seizure of the US Embassy in Tehran. These actions were legally justified as part of post-conflict peace deals.
The EU has concluded that it cannot legally confiscate outright frozen Russian assets, but is investigating a "windfall profits tax" on the annual profits from these assets, which could be around €3 billion (US$3.4 billion).
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Use Case
In the context of the confiscation of Russian central bank funds, a key use case is the seizure of assets frozen in foreign bank accounts. Over $300 billion in Russian central bank assets were frozen in foreign banks.
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This action was taken as a result of international sanctions imposed on Russia following its invasion of Ukraine. The funds were held in banks around the world, including the Bank of New York Mellon and the Deutsche Bank.
The confiscation of these assets is a significant blow to Russia's economy, which was heavily reliant on its foreign currency reserves. The Russian central bank's foreign exchange reserves had been depleted by the sanctions.
The use of frozen assets for humanitarian purposes is another key use case. The frozen funds can be used to provide aid to those affected by the conflict in Ukraine. The international community has been working to find ways to utilize these funds for humanitarian purposes.
The confiscation of Russian central bank funds also sets a precedent for future international cooperation in the face of economic sanctions. It demonstrates the ability of governments and international organizations to work together to disrupt and dismantle illicit financial networks.
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Euroclear and Frozen Assets
Euroclear, a central securities depository based in Belgium, holds frozen Russian assets estimated at €125 billion, €180 billion, or €190 billion.
Euroclear generated €3 billion in profits from these assets in the first nine months of 2023. Belgium anticipates 2023 tax revenues of €625 million on the income generated by frozen Russian assets.
The Belgian government expects to collect €1.7 billion in tax revenues from these assets in 2024. According to Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo, 100% of this tax revenue should go directly to Ukraine.
This level of taxation falls short of what the European Commission and others have proposed, which involves distributing some portion of the profits to Ukraine.
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Competing Claims and State Immunity
Competing claims against the frozen assets could weaken Ukraine's case, as Russia might argue for the return of its assets if they are not used for reparations. This could lead to a complex web of competing claims, potentially delaying or blocking Ukraine's access to the funds.
Russia's state immunity could also hinder the confiscation of its central bank assets, as states are generally immune from foreign court jurisdiction. This immunity would protect Russian assets from enforcement measures.
Belgium's national legal framework might offer a way to overcome state immunity, as it explicitly makes state immunity subject to mandatory supranational and international provisions. This could potentially allow Belgian courts to order the confiscation of Russian funds held in Belgium.
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Competing Claims
Competing claims against the frozen assets could weaken Ukraine's claim. The strength of Ukraine's claim would be diminished if Russia and Ukraine were to negotiate an end to hostilities that did not include reparations for Ukraine, or included an amount less than the value of the frozen Russian assets.
Russia would have a claim for the return of its frozen assets if it were to negotiate an end to hostilities without reparations for Ukraine. Judgment creditors of Russia with claims that have a higher priority than Ukraine's could also delay reparations to Ukraine.
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There may be other judgment creditors of Russia who could delay or even block Ukraine's access to the frozen assets. This could be a major obstacle for Ukraine in its efforts to recover compensation from Russia.
The RDI report suggests that the frozen assets be transferred to an international fund analogous to the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC). This would help to insulate the funds from competing claims and ensure that Ukraine receives the compensation it is owed.
State Immunity
State immunity is a complex issue in international law, and it's a major obstacle to confiscating Russian Central Bank assets to pay for compensation awarded by the ECtHR. According to customary international law, states are generally immune from the jurisdiction of foreign courts, which could be put forward as an argument against confiscation.
This immunity is not absolute, however. Russia's announcement not to comply with ECtHR judgments could be seen as a way to exempt enforcement of international judgments from the purview of state immunity.
In Belgium, the law explicitly makes state immunity "subject to the application of mandatory supranational and international provisions." This could potentially be used to justify the confiscation of Russian funds held in Belgium, as the obligation to pay ECtHR compensation awards is a mandatory supranational and international provision.
The implications of this provision are still unclear, and Belgian courts have not yet ruled on the question of whether the enforcement of ECtHR judgments could fall under this caveat.
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Redressing Harm
Confiscation of Russian central bank funds can be used to redress harm suffered by victims of Russia's actions. Most of the debate on confiscation focuses on funding the military defence of Ukraine without considering reparation for victims.
Using Russian Central Bank assets to enforce ECtHR judgments could ensure that payments obtained would be directed to affected communities. This would apply to both individual and inter-state claims against Russia.
Just satisfaction awards are intended to benefit victim communities, represented by Ukraine as their home state. This would be a more legitimate way to allocate funds compared to arbitrary or untransparent allocation.
Enforcement measures based on ECtHR rulings would carry legitimacy because they would be based on an international judgment. This sets out the justification and scope of the violations, providing a clear basis for redress.
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Frequently Asked Questions
How much Russian money has been seized?
Approximately $300 billion in Russian central bank assets have been frozen in G7 countries and the European Union. The funds remain frozen until Russia pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine.
Are any Russian banks not sanctioned?
Yes, Sberbank and Gazprombank are two Russian banks that have not been sanctioned by EU ambassadors.
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